Only the state security apparatus was unperturbed. Only in later years would the abuses of human rights and other atrocities during this period of de facto military rule be laid bare in court proceedings and in the TRC hearings. De Klerk was a closed book when he ascended to power in September Throughout his career in politics, starting in when he was first elected to parliament as MP for Vereeniging, he studiously avoided NP factional politics.
He may not have been very conservative, but liberal or verlig he definitely was not. As a cabinet minister in charge of tertiary education he was a consistent defender of segregated universities. When Pik Botha made his sensational black president remark in , De Klerk, along with other party heavyweights, strongly objected, moving PW Botha to repudiate Pik Botha.
Yet three years later De Klerk embarked on a process that would lead to exactly that — a black head of state in a constitutional democracy.
An earlier undertaking by De Klerk that he would seek the approval of white voters for any major changes to the constitutional order had put him in a tight spot. What if they had vetoed such changes? Would SA have survived? De Klerk overcame this dilemma with a shrewd political manoeuvre, almost as bold and opportunistic as his historic speech of February 2 in which he announced the release of Nelson Mandela and the unbanning of the liberation movements.
Early in a projection from by-election results in the former Nat stronghold of Potchefstroom indicated that the ultra-right-wing Conservative Party CP could win a future whites-only general election. Since its inception in the CP steadily increased its share of the white vote, supplanting in the liberal Progressive Federal Party as official opposition in parliament.
Without consulting formal party structures, he used his prerogative as head of state and called a national referendum among white voters for early March Voters were asked to simply say yes or no to the continuation of the Codesa negotiations.
Realising the gravity of the moment, opposition white voters swung in behind the yes vote, along with much of civil society, the churches, and business.
The yes vote prevailed by a whopping Conservatives in his own party, certain academics and sections of the Nat-supporting press — notably Rapport and Die Burger — criticised De Klerk for his strategy and the negotiating team he selected.
De Klerk ignored them. Much is often made of the fact that Nelson Mandela and De Klerk disliked each other throughout this tumultuous period. Yet it was never required of De Klerk and Mandela to be besties for the transition to succeed. They were indeed two very different types of personality.
They only needed to be businesslike and rational in their interactions — which they managed to be. It is believed that the relations between them became warmer after they retired from active politics. Maybe he was just exhausted. His work, after all, was done. But perhaps the lowest point in his career was his appearance before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission TRC in as a former leader of the National Party who since had served in successive Nat cabinets.
This interest in Blackness was driven in part by the manic-depressive cycle of the interwar era. The Roaring Twenties was a time of crazes, of dances like the black bottom, in what F. Everything was full of movement in these dreams; it was that which enabled me to escape in the end, going further, even further!
And all of it was a mixture of apprehension that sometimes turned into joy, and even rapture. Apprehension, joy, even rapture: such was the range of white reactions to Black culture that took root before and after the Great War. Paris was somewhat better, but in the French countryside, while driving the Bullet sports car she bought him, Crowder was fined and ordered to jail for getting hit by another car that was decidedly at fault.
Nancy was easily outraged—and could afford to be. She raced ahead into the self-righteous racial awareness of the newly converted. But she was interested and eager to learn. She, in response, wanted to protest, turning every incident into a cause—and he just wanted to sleep, sometimes preferring to avoid racism rather than confront it.
During the day she snuck away to see her mother. There were other collisions to come. I say appreciate so often because it is their own colored world and exactly names the emotion. I never heard of that. You mean in Paris then?
The gambit worked: she never saw her mother again. Blackness had claimed her dreams since youth, after all, and justified the African artifacts she had collected throughout the s. At her first dinner alone with Crowder, she had shown him her artifacts in her hotel room as part of the seduction.
But did she collect Crowder too? Later on, he would seem to say so, calling his posthumously published memoir As Wonderful as All That? The Hours Press became one of the last and most successful of the Parisian expatriate presses. She was passionate and precise in ways her own poetry only hinted at, and the messiness of her love life was belied by her elegant printing and design.
In Cunard moved back to Paris, bringing the press with her. There she announced a poetry contest, promising ten pounds and publication to the winner of the best poem of no more than a hundred lines on the subject of time. Cunard was disappointed with the submissions and complained enough that an acquaintance approached an unknown writer named Samuel Beckett about contributing.
Was she supporting him or pushing him into the spotlight? Although she avoids the worst of stereotypical dialect favored by other white writers—even now—her flurry of African American slang makes it obvious that Cunard has only just learned it, and her rhyme is a tin-eared affair. It is hard to imagine what Crowder made of these words, including the N-word, put in his mouth.
Even in encouraging his compositions, Cunard appeared to be orchestrating something else. In nine Black teenagers—the youngest aged twelve—were falsely accused by authorities in Alabama of raping two white women while riding a freight train. Despite contradictory testimony and a lack of evidence, the court sentenced to death eight of the nine youths, known as the Scottsboro Boys.
The President puts to the vote the draft Resolution. Audio 1 hour, 5 minutes, Full version Statement by Mr. Audio 2 hours, 44 minutes, Full version Statement by Mr. Mahmassani Lebanon , puts the draft Convention and the amendments thereto to the vote, on an article-by-article basis. Audio 46 minutes, English The Chairman, Mr. Mahmassani Lebanon , puts the whole draft Convention, as amended, to the vote. The draft Convention is adopted. Audio 56 seconds, English The Chairman, Mr. The draft resolution is adopted.
Audio 54 seconds, English Statement by Mr. Audio 42 minutes, Full version Statement by Mr. Audio 10 minutes, English Statement by Mr. Benites Ecuador , puts the amendment to the vote. Benites Ecuador , puts the draft resolution to the vote. Statement by Mr. Statement by the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Statement by President Mr. Nelson Mandela, upon his release from prison Video 30 minutes, Full version. Mandela Video 1 minute, English. Audio 1 hour, 5 minutes, Full version.
Krishnappa India Audio 9 minutes, English. Shafqat Pakistan Audio 1 minute, English. Statement by the Representative of Kenya Audio 20 seconds, English. Statement by the Representative of Ghana Audio 40 seconds, English. Statement by the Representative of Ghana Audio 50 seconds, English. Audio 2 hours, 44 minutes, Full version. Kabinga Zambia Explanation of vote Audio 4 minutes, English. Statement by Ms.
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